Kalman MIZSEI: “I believe in the possibility of a fair settlement of the Transdnistrian conflict”

The EU’s special representative for Moldova, Kalman Mizsei, has been representing the interests of Brussels in the Transdnistrian settlement process. He is facing the difficult task of promoting a dialogue between all the parties involved in the Transdnistrian settlement process, including Ukraine. Mizsei recently visited the capital of Ukraine in this connection.

What does the European Union expect from Ukraine, which has a common border with Moldova and is a party to the Transdnistrian settlement negotiations? Will the situation in Kosovo, which recently proclaimed its independence, affect this process? These and other questions are raised in The Day ’s exclusive interview with Kalman MIZSEI.

THE SITUATION IN KOSOVO CANNOT BE COMPARED TO TRANSDNISTRIA

In your interview with a Ukrainian publication you said that the Transdnistrian conflict can be resolved rather easily, unlike other frozen conflicts in the post- Soviet space. Have you changed your mind since Kosovo’s parliament proclaimed independence last week? Can this event complicate the Transdnistrian settlement?

“I have not changed my mind since the decision handed down by the Kosovo parliament because the Kosovo settlement is the result of the historical events of 1999. The Kosovo situation can in no way be compared to the one in Transdnistria.”

But other unrecognized republics in the post-Soviet space — Abkhazia and South Ossetia — consider Kosovo a precedent and are announcing their intentions to declare independence.

“If some people want to play with this, of course they will use the word ‘precedent.’ But this situation should be treated in an entirely different way. The situation in Kosovo is different in many aspects. First of all, there was ethnic cleansing in Kosovo. Millions of people became refugees. Can we speak about international law when the government failed to defend the rights of ethnic groups? Moreover, the government was organizing mass-scale deportations and ethnic cleansing, in the heart of today’s Europe at that. This is an important element or aspect that essentially distinguishes the Kosovo situation from the separatist movements you mention. For many years Kosovo was under UN administration, and Serbia did not manage this region for eight years. As you know, the Ahtisaari plan calls for very tough measures to defend the rights of minorities as much as possible. Moreover, the Kosovars expressed the wish that the international community restrict their own independence and sovereignty because the proper defense of minority rights in Kosovo is a crucial point. There are many fundamental differences in the Kosovo situation, so it simply cannot be compared with the one in Transdnistria. There are no ethnic or religious conflicts on the Dnister River’s right and left banks. This conflict was actually caused by the collapse of the Soviet Union. And now we and our partners — Ukraine, Russia, the OSCE, and the US — are trying to resolve the conflict in the interests of all the countries in this region.”

But there are differing views on Kosovo in the EU: some countries support Kosovo’s independence, while others do not.

“This is not the question. The vast majority of EU members support the existing plans for the Kosovo settlement. As you know, the EU member states pursue an independent foreign policy. There are a few countries that have certain doubts that are discussed in a very democratic way at joint meetings. We are proud that the European Union member states are conducting a debate on this type of problem. There may be temporary differences, but the overwhelming majority of EU countries accept this settlement process, and last Monday the European Union showed its point of view by passing a resolution.”

I AM TRYING TO PERSUADE OUR PARTNERS THAT A REAL BREAKTHROUGH IS POSSIBLE

You have been dealing with the Transdnistrian settlement for one year and will be discussing this issue with the Ukrainian government. Are you expecting any new initiatives from Kyiv?

We consult regularly with our Ukrainian friends about the problems connected with the Transdnistrian settlement. This is very important and is part of the Ukraine- EU Action Plan aimed at bringing your country’s foreign policy closer to the European Union’s. We welcome this and are actively cooperating with your government. You have a new government now, and I want to hold talks with the officials who are shaping Ukraine’s policy vis-a- vis Moldova. Naturally, Moldova is a very important neighbor of Ukraine. For us, Moldova is also a neighbor and we want to help it. So there is every reason to cooperate more closely.”

But the settlement of this suspended conflict is in fact frozen.

“It is true that the 5 + 2 talks have been suspended since 2006. But this does not mean that the process itself is frozen. The two sides are conducting quite an intensive dialogue. We hope that this dialogue will help the parties come closer to a 5 + 2 meeting in the nearest future. I am trying to convince our partners that a real breakthrough will be possible if we manage to come to terms about the conceptual principles of the settlement.”

Who does not accept these principles?

“I would not put the question that way. We have to find the proper format, one that will allow us to overcome differences, reach a very positive agreement about principles, and launch the negotiations.”

AN EFFECTIVE GOVERNMENTAL MECHANISM AND MOVEMENT TOWARDS A BREAKTHROUGH

What role can Ukraine play to help broker such a deal?

“I cannot assign Ukraine any tasks or set any time limits. (We also discuss our ideas of the Transdnistrian settlement from Ukraine’s viewpoint. I think it is important to map out an approach that is as coordinated as possible. I will tell my Ukrainian partners again that we would like to help Moldova create an effective governmental mechanism on the basis of full sovereignty and, at the same time, to formulate the conditions and guarantees of strong autonomy and special status for the Transdnistrian region. We are also concerned about the democratization of Transdnistria as part of a democratic Moldova. And at a certain stage of the settlement process we must unquestionably resolve security problems and create mechanisms that will make the settlement possible.”

Late last month the president of Moldova met his Russian counterpart in Moscow. Did this meeting introduce any changes to the Transdnistrian settlement?

“The media reported that it was a positive meeting of the two presidents. It may be expected that after this positive visit, Russia will be more interested in speeding up the settlement of the Transdnistrian conflict.”

Is Russia truly interested in this?

“That is my impression. I think that, in spite of the latest events, now is a really good period for heading towards a resolution of this conflict.”

Can we expect a breakthrough at the informal CIS summit on Feb. 22 in Moscow, where Vladimir Putin will be playing host for the last time as head of the Russian state?

“I still do not know the agenda of the summit, so it’s difficult for me to comment on its likely results.”

ECONOMIC INCENTIVES AND CONFIDENCE- BUILDING MEASURES

Do you think that in order to resolve the Transdnistrian conflict is enough to make more active use of the confidence-building measures that the Moldovan president recently proposed? What about the Ukrainian proposal to make ample use of various economic projects to encourage Tiraspol to seek a resolution for the Transdnistrian problem more actively?

“I think we should be doing a lot of things at the same time. The government of Moldova has generously suggested extending customs preferences to Transdnistrian companies. This decision has been in force for the past two years, 2006 and 2007, and it has resulted in the considerable growth of Transdnistrian export, and to some extent it has helped to compensate for the decline in Transdnistria’s budgetary revenues. The European Union supported this step because a sizable part of these growing exports went to the European market. Economic incentives are very important here, and we are closely cooperating with the Moldovan authorities, Transdnistrian companies, and the European Commission.

“On the other hand, confidence-building measures are also very important. First of all, the law is fully on Moldova’s side. These measures will promote the reunification of the country if there are good stimuli at various levels, and if the Transdnistrian population, businesses, non-governmental organizations, and officials feel that the reunification of Moldova is suitable for most of them. Naturally, there will be no benefit to those who live off smuggling and illegal economic activity. I think our incentives are essential.

“The European Commission is increasing its humanitarian and technical aid to the Transdnistrian region. The cooperation that is part of the confidence-building process will result in the creation of an infrastructure, the solution of socioeconomic problems, and support for projects. The European Commission is prepared to provide financial aid. And, obviously, once a settlement is reached, the EU member states will undoubtedly offer considerable financial support — naturally, on condition that it is a ‘healthy’ settlement that will really create a strong Moldovan state.”

THE EU IS OPEN TO FRUITFUL COOPERATION WITH DIFFERENT POPULATION GROUPS IN TRANSDNISTRIA

Perhaps in order to reach a settlement as soon as possible, the EU should also open up to the current leadership of Transdnistria, invite it to Brussels, and show it some of the advantages that the Transdnistrian region will enjoy after the conflict is resolved. As it is, the Transdnistrian leaders usually visit the Russian capital.

“The European capitals, including Brussels, are very much open to Transdnistrian businessmen and officials from Tiraspol. You are quite right in saying that a dialogue with the leaders of Transdnistria is a very important and positive step. However, there is a list of individuals who are denied entry to the EU. The European Union member states have agreed to include in this list the people who we think are flouting human rights, freedom of speech, and international agreements. The list is short. But the European Union is very much open to fruitful cooperation with different population groups in Transdnistria.”

Some experts believe that no settlement is possible until a new elite comes to power in Transdnistria. Do you share this view?

“My role as the Special EU Representative in Moldova obliges me to work with all the representatives of Transdnistria. I must do this without any prejudice against their attitudes. We would like to hope that we will persuade them to believe that a settlement will give Transdnistria a strong special status. Transdnistria used to be an industrial pearl in the crown of the former Soviet Union, especially as far as the military-industrial complex is concerned. It is a pity that this region is in such poor condition today. We are hoping that Transdnistria will prosper after reunification. The ones who are prospering now are just a few people, not the entire population. As far as we can judge, the Transdnistrian region’s GDP is very low, even lower than on the right bank. We hope that after the reunification of Moldova major investments will pour in on both sides of the Dnister River. We believe that this will result in an advantageous situation for both sides. You are right that not everyone in Transdnistria is convinced of this, so we are constantly working to persuade them.”

Your predecessor Jacobovitz de Szeged once told The Day that the Transdnistrian conflict would be resolved by the end of his term. Can you say with equal confidence that you will occupy this office until the Transdnistrian conflict is resolved?

“After all that I have told you, let me also say: yes, I do believe in the possibility of a good settlement because this will suit the overwhelming majority of the interested parties.”