Will Ukraine’s parliamentarianism be discredited?

MP Taras Chornovil withdrew from the Reforms for the Sake of the Future group of MPs after The Day’s journalist Olena Yakhno caught him completely unawares, asking for comment on MP Zabzaliuk’s audio records [as proof of rampant corruption at the Verkhovna Rada]. As was well to be expected, the group rejected all such accusations even before the Prosecutor General’s Office declared they would look into the case. Reforms, in turn, accused MP Zabzaliuk of immoral conduct, claiming he had asked them for money for his medical treatment. There is a long list of mutual accusations and allegations, but one thing is clearly apparent: the Verkhovna Rada is steadily on a downward curve. The way this scandalous situation is being commented upon is additional proof (although few if any bother to analyze these comments). The point in question is how to overcome this self-reproductive system. Sad but true: Ukrainian society has no answer to this question. In his interview Zabzaliuk said the slogan about replacing the government and thus changing the situation for the better is another campaign stunt. Yanukovych has to step down. Suppose he does. Then what?

This is another heavy blow to Ukraine’s parliamentary system. The Ukrainian in the street may well ask himself: “Do I need this Verkhovna Rada with them just pressing the yea-nay buttons, as ordered by those who pay them?” and then decide that this parliament should be disbanded, that this country should be ruled with an iron hand.

COMMENTARIES

Levko LUKIANENKO, MP, veteran dissident, political and public figure, writer:

“Our parliament has been abnormal from the outset. Why? Because our society is abnormal. The first convocation of the Verkhovna Rada was more or less democratic. Back in 1990, some 120 MPs were democratic-minded. It was then the Democratic bloc was formed. It lasted four years. The first Verkhovna Rada membership included various MPs, but no businessmen. Various debates were held as part of the ongoing ideological struggle. Businessmen emerged in the next parliament and it was then that the material interests became involved. The third Verkhovna Rada was even more business-oriented, with our parliament gradually degrading, turning from the number-one legislative body into a business marketplace.

“After the Party of Regions came to power, the Verkhovna Rada ceased to exist as a lawmaking body. All political power is now in the hands of this political party. Last but not least, they have practically annihilated the judicial branch.

“How can this problem be solved? There is a critical public attitude to those ‘upstairs,’ considering that they are obviously acting contrary to the national interest. A new generation has grown over the past 20 years. These young people can see what’s going on. There is no one to tamper with their public opinion. Their critical assessments add to the overall disillusionment with those in power. Over the past 20 years Russia has used all those ‘upstairs’ in Ukraine to its best advantage, contrary to Ukraine’s national interest. The current [Ukrainian] administration is displaying its inaptitude, inability of running this country. Everyone can realize that this administration has to be replaced by a younger generation, by people who are free of all those old ideological stereotypes.

“This year’s parliamentary elections offer an opportunity of forming a new majority in parliament, made up of opposition forces. The Party of Regions will, of course, try to rig this election campaign, to keep political power, but they will find this task more complicated than back in 2010. If they win this election campaign, the people will have the only option: revolution. As the leader of the Ukrainian Republican Party, I can state that Ukraine must resolve its domestic problems by replacing the current regime with one made up of new people.”

Oleksandr SUHONIAKO, president, Ukrainian Banks Association:

“I recently learned about our MPs’ number-one objective: getting an apartment, buying a car, being able to border a flight [anytime, anywhere]. Had anyone told MPs Khmara or Fokin (both members of opposing factions back then) something like, ‘Here is a thick wad of greenbacks. Take this money and vote the way we want,” he would be hit in the face by both. In other words, there is a horribly quick decline in morals.

“There was a [gifted poet and translator] by the name of Samuil Marshak in the Soviet Union. At the time, schoolchildren learned his what-is-bad-and-what-is-good verse by heart as part of the curriculum.

“There seems no end to the decline in morals. An alcoholic should eventually recognize his condition and resolve to kick the habit. Those with money and power should follow suit. Instead, they want more and more. Kicking this habit is harder than the booze one.

“There is definitely a solution to this problem. Those currently in power [in Ukraine] have all kinds of strings attached. They have to be replaced by people with no strings attached. If you hold an important executive post while upholding civil liberties, you will never let anyone infringe on anyone else’s liberties, simply because you know what these liberties are all about. In other words, there is always an alternative. We keep mum while those ‘upstairs’ keep stealing our money, but we can expose their falsehood; we can be free while they depend on whoever pays them.”

Dr. Borys MOKIN, former MP (VR’s 1st convocation), Ph.D. (Technology), ex-rector of Vinnytsia’s National Technical University:

“We had Group 239 [the communist majority. – Ed.] and the Narodna Rada (NR) democratic bloc as opposition in the first convocation. Quite a few Group 239 MPs would vote for NR’s constructive proposals. There were hardliners and flexible ones on both sides, enough to pass each other’s constructive bill. Nothing like this in today’s Ukrainian parliament. The majority totally ignores the minority. During our term in parliament none would change sides with Group 239 and opposition. Today they keep quitting one faction and joining the next. I believe this started after instituting a mixed electoral system in the early 2000s, when Lytvyn’s bloc ‘For United Ukraine’ turned out practically fruitless under Kuchma’s presidency. A majority was formed, after all those in the majority electoral districts had been made offers they weren’t gonna refuse. This majority acted as commanded by the Presidential Administration or as instructed by President Kuchma. It was then the turning point came, when a party slate system became effective, when moneybags were entered into the lists – people who didn’t give a hoot about ideology, who would change sides once they thought the clouds were gathering over them. Now this situation is getting out of control.

“How can this problem be solved? I wrote on my website, right after the elections bill had been passed by the Verkhovna Rada, that this law will be nullified if and when the Party of Regions loses this election campaign, considering that the Constitutional Court has ruled that one cannot run for president/MP with one’s name on a party and/or majority district slate. Under the circumstances, this would cost a fortune and re-election. I once came up with the idea of a parliament of two houses. At the time I believed that the line should be drawn between making laws and assigning judges; that there should be separate Verkhovna Rada’s departments/houses to deal with such matters. My proposal wasn’t supported. Today’s Verkhovna Rada actually represents Kyiv and Donetsk oblast. We are told that such and such MPs are on business trips to their electoral districts, and then we discover that none of them has ever been seen there. There is only one solution to this problem. All MPs must retain their [personal and legal] immunity for as long as they remain on the Verkhovna Rada premises. Then there will be room left for lawyers, economists, and others to take seats in our parliament for reasons other than protecting themselves. Then our Verkhovna Rada will start functioning normally.”