Javier SOLANA: The Ball Is in Ukraine’s Court
As long as a month ago Javier SOLANA, European Union High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), announced in Warsaw that he would be visiting Kyiv on June 9-10. However, The Day’s well-informed sources claim that this high-ranking Brussels official said the other day in a letter of apology to the Ukrainian leadership that the visit had been put off due to the preparations inside the European Union. The sources add the visit can take place early in the summer vacation time. The week before last the EU got a double shock over the results of European Union Constitution referendums: the French and the Dutch flatly rejected this document. Naturally, this kind of “background” would not have added more points to Mr. Solana’s Kyiv trip. It is quite easy to guess the reaction of some Brussels bureaucrats to his negotiations with the Ukrainian leadership which insists on prospective EU membership. The Day had requested the EU high representative to answer a number of questions before it was known that his visit was postponed. Moreover, the deferment of the visit does not mean at all that Mr. Solana’s answers are no longer relevant.
What is your idea of the strategy for the Ukraine-EU relationship? What is your view of the long-term prospects for our cooperation because, as we know, the EU-Ukraine Action Plan is a short- term document?
The EU-Ukraine relationship is already a very close one and it continues to deepen. The EU-Ukraine Action Plan is a roadmap for the next few years. After its implementation and basing on an evaluation of progress, we will proceed with forging an even deeper partnership. As you know, the Action Plan foresees replacing the current PCA with a new contractual relationship after its implementation. Taking into consideration the short-term implementation of the Action Plan, one could say that now the EU-Ukraine relationship truly has the possibility to go forward quickly.
The future of our relationship depends primarily on Ukraine and its commitment to and success in implementing reforms. The quality of these reforms and Ukraine’s democracy will determine the substance of our cooperation. The ball is squarely in Ukraine’s court. With the commitment to reforms and democracy declared by the administration of President Yushchenko and Prime Minister Tymoshenko, I am confident that Ukraine is moving forward on its chosen course. The EU will give strong support to the reform efforts.
What is your first evaluation of the Action Plan implementation by both sides?
The Action Plan was launched in February and was reinforced by an additional 10 priority points. We have already seen a strong drive on both sides to set out priorities and implement them. The bulk of the work needs to be done by Ukraine, as the Plan is a powerful tool in supporting Ukraine’s reforms. These will also lay the groundwork for more steps on the part of the EU.
I am particularly pleased that the intensified political dialogue foreseen in the Action Plan is moving forward. Ukraine and the EU are forging a powerful foreign policy partnership. Ukraine’s decisive support in April of the EU’s line at the UN Commission on Human Rights — a reflection of shared values and commitments — is convincing proof of this. We have already increased contacts with Ukraine, and we are talking frankly and openly with each other on all levels, both officially and informally. This is a good foundation for the future.
The EU has also initiated a procedure to invite Ukraine to align itself with common EU positions on international affairs, which is a clear signal of our wish to develop our partnership and to work together on the international scene.
What is your position regarding the new Ukrainian initiative for resolving the Transdnistrian conflict?
I warmly welcome Ukraine’s proactive approach, which has given new impetus to the process. The Ukrainian plan and the seven points that President Yushchenko presented at the GUAM Summit in Chisinau on April 22 provide a welcome new impetus to the process. A lot still needs to be done to achieve a settlement. Perhaps most importantly the division of competencies between the center and the Transdnistrian region needs to be worked out and sufficient guarantees and juridical conflict- resolution mechanisms put in place.
Through the appointment in March of an EU Special Representative for Moldova, the Union has stepped up its efforts to work toward a viable settlement. The EUSR has been traveling widely in the region and has also had substantial talks with Ukraine. I am confident that we can accomplish much together. Ukraine’s readiness to accept international monitoring of the Ukrainian- Moldovan border is particularly welcome. For the EU, effective border and customs controls are a wider question of security and rule of law, going well beyond efforts aimed at solving the Transdnistrian conflict. The new Ukrainian government is committed to ensuring good border controls. International monitoring can help achieve this goal. I look forward to continuing more detailed discussions on this issue with the Ukrainian leadership. What are the possibilities for EU-Ukraine cooperation in the framework of GUAM (the regional organization consisting of Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan, and Moldova)?
Regional cooperation aimed at strengthening prosperity and democracy is always welcome. This cooperation needs to work toward stability and internal improvement, and not being seen as directed against anyone. We see GUAM cooperation against this background.
The EU is developing strong relations with all four GUAM countries. Ukraine and Moldova have Action Plans in place and Georgia and Azerbaijan are being included in the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). This is also the framework within which we are developing our relations with the region.
You’ve already said that the discussion of market status in the antidumping investigations is among the main goals during your visit to Kyiv. Could you provide some details? What are the chances of granting Ukraine market economy status in the nearest future? What are the difficulties that still remain?
I have gotten to know Ukraine well over the past decade and value the personal relationship I have managed to forge with the Ukrainian leadership. The aim of my trip is to maintain these ties. It is important that we can talk candidly as well as more informally.
EU representatives have said that it’s not advisable for Ukraine to submit a membership request in the nearest future. Do you agree with this opinion? Why have other countries been able to do this (some Balkan states)?
As I said at the beginning of this interview, EU-Ukraine relations are in a period of unprecedented dynamism. The EU is committed to this relationship and the further development of a meaningful partnership.
This partnership is a work-in-progress and we have a lot of work to do. In the short term, we must not lose focus of what needs to be done now in order to strengthen our relationship. For me the key notion in our relationship is that we should implement together what we have set out to do. I am very optimistic about our joint cooperation and future.
