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Ivanishvili invites Saakashvili to talk

Expert: “The premier will just ruin the state with his current actions or inactions”
13 February, 18:14
FEBRUARY 8, 2013. TBILISI, GEORGIA. A CLASH BETWEEN THE SUPPORTERS OF PRESIDENT SAAKASHVILI AND HIS OPPONENTS, WHO ARE BLOCKING THE ENTRANCE TO THE NATIONAL LIBRARY, WHERE THE PRESIDENT’S ADDRESS TO PEOPLE WAS SUPPOSED TO TAKE PLACE / REUTERS photo

The face-off between Georgia’s President Mikhail Saakashvili and Prime Minister Bidzina Ivanishvili, as well as between the oppositional United National Movement and the ruling Georgian Dream party, has been aggravated in the past few days. In particular, some unknown people thwarted the president’s speech at the National Library. Nor was he allowed to speak in parliament. Only at a third attempt did Saakashvili manage to deliver the Annual Address in his own residency.

Many experts believe that the latest events in Georgia increasingly testify to a growing political isolation of Saakashvili by the authorities. In particular, Radio Kommersant FM analyst Konstantin von Eggert noted in one of his programs: “It is possible to topple the president of Georgia either by way of impeachment or by waiting for the next year, when he officially leaves office. The parliamentary commission for investigating what is now almost officially called ‘Saakashvili regimes’ crimes, is going to start working one of these days.” Therefore, in the journalist’s view, “Ivanishvili wants first to fetch Vladimir Putin the head of Saakashvili, of course, speaking in strictly figurative terms. And he hopes to get something from Moscow in exchange.”

Europe has also expressed concern over the events in Georgia. Catherine Ashton, EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, and Stefan Fuele, EU Commissioner for Enlargement and European Neighborhood Policy, are obviously worried about differences between the premier and the president and, particularly, about the recent obstruction of Saakashvili in parliament. “The EU considers it of paramount importance for the future of Georgia’s democracy that all political actors and institutions in Georgia be accorded due respect, in line with our shared European values,” the joint statement says.

Meanwhile, Ivanishvili said in a recent statement that he was ready for a dialogue with Saakashvili, but, at the same time, he accused him of “telling lies again.” A strange invitation for a dialogue…

The Day asked two experts to answer three questions.

1. What do the latest events in the confrontation between the premier and the president mean? Does this confirm the forecasts that Ivanishvii is trying to “fetch Saakashvili’s head” in exchange for some preferences from Moscow?

2. Is Ivanishvili able to react to European criticism and opt for a compromise with the opposition?

3. Georgia’s Interior Minister Irakly Garibashvili said that the government was too rash to declare amnesty. Would you comment on this?

THIS FACE-OFF SHOULD SOBER US UP

Lasha TUGUSHI, editor-in-chief, newspaper Rezonansi:

“1. This is a very unpleasant case, when force is being used. Protesters thwarted the event, where Saakashvili was to speak. Talks are now underway between the parliament speaker and the president. They are supposed to discuss some amendments to the constitution which triggered disturbances in Tbilisi. It is, particularly, about the amendment which says that if the president dissolves parliament, the new government cannot begin working without the old one’s consent. I think there will be a consensus in this matter. There is also a proposal that a preamble on our pro-Western course be attached – this course should be laid down in our constitution in order to avoid any insinuations or misunderstandings.”

“2. A very interesting question. We share the concern of our partners in Brussels and Washington. All our friends are alarmed at the excesses now underway in Georgia. After that clash, the president, the parliament speaker, the premier, the MPs, and public figures are displeased with what happened. It is clear to everybody that we need a normal political process. They are already saying they are ready to discuss specific matters. These are the opportunities that can help set the political process into motion. Georgian society is also pinning a hope on this.

“It is very important now to be able to make deals. This face-off should sober us up. Georgia is not only the prime minister and the president. In addition to politicians, there are also people and society. I hope this will be a stabilizing factor and things will follow a democratic path. It is not the crucial question today whether or not the president and the premier like each other. What really matters is the country’s development. I think they should be aware of this.

“3. It is a disputable decision, and nobody denies that it was very difficult. Freeing several thousand prisoners so fast may create difficulties for people, but it was a special situation – it was high time to make a decision because this had been debated on for years. In particular, there were an excess number of inmates in Georgian prisons. Many of them got there on rather dubious charges. As for the very essence of the amnesty, even the president accepted it, but he disagreed about a certain part of the prisoners.”

THE GEORGIAN PUBLIC SHOULD DRAW CERTAIN CONCLUSIONS TO BREAK THIS DEADLOCK

Nika CHITADZE, political scientist, Tbilisi:

“1. The current ruling party is doing its best to discredit the president and his United National Movement, the main opposition party in Georgia at the moment. Accordingly, they are resorting to all kinds of methods, which are outside the framework of the constitution, the law, democracy, and the ethical code, to exert pressure on the president. The goal is also to show the world public that people dislike their president, are tired of his nine-year rule, and want him to go. Meanwhile, there were extremists there by and large, the so-called political prisoners who had been released. Of course, they are not political prisoners at all. We know such representatives of the latter as Nelson Mandela, Vaclav Havel, Lech Walesa, Andrei Sakharov… But those who stood in front of the National Library were extremist elements. If some from the ruling party are trying to say that it was society that stood there and was crying out ‘Saakashvili, go!’, they are first of all insulting the Georgian public and populace.

“Maybe, one of Ivanishvili’s goals was to show Moscow that he was doing his utmost to exert pressure on Georgia. It is quite possible that some of those in front of the library played Russia’s game. For when the European Union and NATO are watching these people use physical force against Georgia’s MPs and ordinary people and when the police pretend to ‘separate’ them, this shows that, as soon as the new authorities have come, we began to have a big problem with democracy. I think the Georgian public should draw certain conclusions to break this deadlock.”

“2. Ivanishvili has released a statement which says he wants to negotiate with the president. Yet he refused today [February 11. – Ed.] to publicly meet Saakashvili. But, maybe, the parliament speaker will meet him. They are expected to discuss the question of constitutional amendments and foreign policy priorities. He may be making some statements, but, on the other hand, he is putting al blame on Saakashvili and his team. This means there are both radical and more or less liberal forces in his inner circle. He listens to both, trying to balance between them. Otherwise, the premier will just ruin the state with his current actions or inactions.”

“3. I share this view. We know who political prisoners and prisoners of conscience are. There is an international convention on this matter. There are UN and Amnesty International standards, under which the political prisoner is a person who is the object of pressure because of his or her political persuasions and who never resorts to any violent methods. In this case, it is the people who have also served prison terms and resorted to violence before, or they worked for the secret services of Russia which occupied a part of the Georgian territory.”

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