65th anniversary of the heroic defense of Zakarpattia from fascist aggressors
As you know, after World War I Zakarpattia, an ancient Ukrainian region that had been under Hungary for almost a thousand years — Ed.), was ceded under the 1919 Peace Treaty of Saint-Germain to the Czechoslovakian Republic as Podkarpatska [Sub- Carpathian] Ruthenia. The treaty envisioned its autonomy. Unfortun ately, the Prague government was in no hurry to fulfill this provision. Already in 1919 the people of Zakarpattia demanded reunification of their land, which they poetically call the Sliver Land, with Ukraine and continued struggling for their autonomy and fair delimitation of its borders within Czechoslovakia.
In the latter half of the 1930s, the international situation was greatly affected by a major trend in the policy of Fascist Germany, which sought to expand the lands of Germans (Arians) by means of capturing the territory of neighboring countries and above all those of the Slavic nations.
On September 29-30, 1938 Great Britain, France, Germany, and Italy met at the Munich Conference without the participation of Czechoslovakia and signed the Munich Agreement forcing Czechoslovakia to cede its highly-developed (ethnically German —Ed.) Sudetenland to the Third Reich. In early October 1938 Poland, backed by Germany, annexed Czechoslovakia’s (ethnically Polish — Ed.) Cieszyn Silesia Province.
Under such difficult conditions, the government of the divided Czechoslovakia complied with the requirements of the Saint-Germain Peace Treaty and its 1920 Constitution by granting autonomy to Slovakia and Zakarpattia. On October 8, 1938 the Ukrainian People’s Rada [Council] of the Carpathian Rus was created in Uzhhorod and proclaimed itself as “the only legitimate representative of all the Ruthenian lands (including Priashivshchyna), whose population is guaranteed self-determination and self-government.” Executive power passed to the Carpathian- Ruthenian Autonomous Government. With the appointment of Avhustyn Voloshyn as prime minister of Carpathian Ukraine on October 26, the activity of the People’s Council and government became clearly Ukrainian in their orientation. On October 27 the Ukrainian People’s Council aired its address to the Ukrainians of the world: “We believe that the great Ukrainian people of fifty million will speak out and will not allow our sworn enemies to enthrall and jail us again.” In response to this address Ukrainians from Halychyna and from as far as Dnipro Ukraine began to cross the border en masse to help build the new Carpathian state.
Yet the appearance of autonomous Carpathian Ukraine was not well-received by other countries, above all Hungary and Poland. The former did not conceal its desire to these lands (that it had lost after World War I — Ed.). The Polish government opposed the creation of a Ukrainian state in Zakarpattia in any form, since in this it saw a threat to its rule in Western Ukraine, whose population could follow in the footsteps of their brothers in Zakarpattia.
Hitler and Mussolini supported the aggressive aspirations of their Hungarian allies. On November 2, 1938 foreign ministers Ribbentrop of Germany and Ciano of Italy organized the so- called first Vienna Arbitration on Hungary’s territorial claims on Czechoslovakia, ruling that Hungary should receive 12% of the territory of Zakarpattia, 97 towns and settlements, among them Uzhhorod, Mukachevo, and Berehove, along with its fertile lands in the valleys. This disrupted economic ties and communication among people within a country that had been a single whole until then. The Voloshyn government was forced to relocate from Uzhhorod to Khust. In organizing its work in the new capital the government relied heavily on members of the first chota (a local division of national fighters) of the Ukrainian People’s Defense, many of whom were Ukrainians from Halychyna, in particular OUN (Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists) members.
Faced with a complex domestic and foreign policy situation, the Voloshyn government worked to stabilize the economy, unify all Ukrainian patriotic forces, develop statehood, and seek support from other nations. Yet the latter’s indifference, Father Voloshyn’s shortage of funds, disrupted economic ties, and political instability rendered the solution of pressing problems impossible. A weak state apparatus made many mistakes and miscalculations.
Yet despite all the hardships and losses in the cultural life of the autonomy, culture being a crucial factor of unifying the people who struggle with hardships, some progress was registered. Schools continued to work and new educational establishments opened. Nova Svoboda [New Freedom] daily was published (editor Hrendzha-Donsky), nationally-minded youth published the Nastup [Offensive] newspaper (editor Rosokha), the village population had their own publication, Carpathian Ukraine (editor Yury Tarkovych). Outstanding Ukrainian writers Oleksandr Oles and Ulas Samchuk moved to Khust. A literary and artistic association called was created, which published its likely named monthly under the editorship of Oleh Olzhych-Kandyba. Ruthenian writers created their own association. A state theater directed by Yury Sherehiy, New Stage, relocated to Khust and in late 1938 staged Zaporozhets za Dunayem [Zaporozhzhian Cossack Beyond the Danube]. Kalenyk and Petro Lysiuk from the Ukrainian diaspora created the first film studio in Zakarpattia and began shooting a film that came to be known as The Tragedy of Carpathian.
Meanwhile, the international standing of Carpathian Ukraine was becoming more and more precarious with each passing day. Hungary, whose territorial claims had not been fully satisfied, continued its anti-Ukrainian diplomatic demarches and sent to Carpathian Ukraine groups of terrorists and provocateurs. Poland followed suit, its government repeatedly attempting to persuade Berlin to give Poland northern Zakarpattia on top of its already annexed Cieszyn Province of Czechoslovakia. Poland would not even have minded if all of Zakarpattia became subordinated to Hungary. The then Polish government could not put up with the existence of a sovereign Ukrainian state on Halychyna’s border and also sent there its groups to commit acts of sabotage and terrorism.
Hitler tried to use this situation in every way possible. Inclined to cede all of Zakarpattia to Hungary, he was doing this gradually so as to more closely tie Hungary to Germany’s interests. He achieved what he wanted. On February 24, 1939, Hungary’s military dictator Admiral Horthy, kowtowing to Berlin on everything, announced his decision to join the Anti- Comintern Pact.
Under such conditions Moscow called the consequences of the Vienna Arbitrage a violation of international norms. Meanwhile, it dismissed as propaganda the rumors circulated by the press and Western diplomats about the possible use of the statehood of Zakarpattia to annex other Ukrainian lands. Soviet People’s Commissar for Foreign Affairs Maksim Litvinov stated on December 19, 1938: “We are not even sure that... Hitler treats the Ukrainian cause seriously. This could be a case of diplomatic sabotage.” As events unfolded it became obvious that Hitler did not intend to renew Ukrainian statehood in any form or encourage it. In January 1939 the Soviet Union severed diplomatic relations with Hungary, calling it a country that did not have an independent foreign policy, followed the lead of Fascist Germany, and encroached on Ukrainian lands.
On March 10, 1939, Stalin responded to reports in the Western press about plans to annex Soviet Ukraine to Carpathian Ukraine, calling such fabrications “suspicious noise,” its aim being to provoke a conflict between the USSR and Germany where there was no reason for it, and used awkward epithets with respect to Zakarpattia.
Official Soviet documents condemned the aggressive plans with respect to Carpathian Ukraine. Further, the March 18, 1939 note of the USSR People’s Committee of Foreign Affairs stated explicitly that the actions of the German government became a signal for a brutal invasion by the Hungarian forces into Carpathian Ukraine and violations of the fundamental rights of its population. Other countries ignored the tragedy unfolding in Zakarpattia.
Unfortunately, far from all Ukrainian statesman fully realized the actual situation. As Prof. Hranchak rightly noted, “Let us face it: against all odds the leadership of Carpathian Ukraine hoped that Fascist Germany would allow the creation of a small Ukrainian state in the Carpathians. But this was wishful thinking, for Berlin only cared about its own interests in the East. The solution of the Ukrainian question did not fit into its aggressive plans.”
The November 9, 1938, a constituent assembly in Khust created the Organization of People’s Defense, the Carpathian Sich. Dmytro Klympush was appointed its chief commandant and Ivan Roman his deputy. “Any individual of the Ukrainian nation, who has attained the age of eighteen and is a citizen of Carpathian Ukraine” could become a Sich national fighter. The local units (chotas ) were united in district koshes subordinated to the General Command in Khust. A uniform with decorations was introduced, and donations were solicited for the defense of the state. Over a short period ten district units of Sichovyky were organized and underwent military training. Researchers differ as to the general number of Sichovyky, ranging between 2,000 and 10,000. They were poorly armed and lacked the necessary training and combat experience, often acted rashly and became involved in conflicts with Czech soldiers. But they were brave patriots. Outnumbered by the thousands of the Hungarian army backed by Germany and Italy, the Sichovyky courageously defended their land against all odds. The Ukrainians of Zakarpattia fought a war, defending their land from foreign aggressors. As Carpathian Sich Headquarters Chief Mykhailo Kolodzinsky (“Colonel Huzar”) put it, “when there is no reasonable way out of a difficult situation, one must die the death of a hero, so that it would become a source of strength for the future generations.”
Sichovyky and other Ukrainians serving in the local units of the Czech Army began an armed struggle against the occupants already in 1938, fighting off sabotage and terrorist groups of Hungarian fascists and Polish combatants (so-called Carpathian Legionnaires). In the fall of 1938 between 600 and 1,000 Hungarian terrorists infiltrated Carpathian Ukraine. On October 5 they blew up a bridge near the railway station of Borzhava, a section of the railway track near the village of Batieve in Berehiv district. On October 10, 86 Hungarian saboteurs attacked a gendarme post and the Borzhava railroad station, where they killed a conductor, robbed passengers, and dismantled railway tracks. Polish and Hungarian terrorists committed numerous armed provocations in Velykoberezniansk district, blowing up viaduct bridges and tunnels.
On March 6, 1939 Hitler ordered the liquidation of the Czechoslovakian Sovereign Republic and on March 12 allowed the Hungarian Regent Horthy to invade Carpathian Ukraine and annex its lands. In response to Voloshyn’s telegrams to Berlin requesting protection from the occupants, the German consul in Khust, speaking on behalf of Ribbentrop’s ministry, advised him “not to resist the Hungarian invasion.”
Under such conditions, on March 15, 1939 the parliament of Carpathian Ukraine proclaimed independence and elected Avhustyn Voloshyn president of the newly-created state. Ukrainian was named the state language, a blue-and-yellow flag was chosen as the state flag and a combination of the emblem of Zakarpattia (a bear in the left red field and three blue and two yellow stripes in the right field) and the trident of Volodymyr the Great as the state emblem. The national anthem, “Ukraine Is Not Yet Dead,” was chosen as the state anthem.
The Hungarian forces invaded Carpathian Ukraine on March 14. They met heavy resistance outside Mukacheve, near the villages of Dravtsi, Baranyntsi, Chaslivtsi, Korytniany, Velyka Dobron, and Chomonyn in Uzhhorod district. On the morning of March 15 Hungarian forces began a general offensive in three directions — western (Perechyn, Velyky Berezny, and Uzhok), central (Svaliava and Volovets), and eastern (Sevliush, Khust, Solotvyno, and Yasinia). The occupants met resistance from Sich and units of the Czech Army that tried to break through into Slovakia. Organizing the defense was overseen by the headquarters created by order of Defense Minister Klochurak and consisting of Col. Yefremov (headquarters chief) Colonels Huzar (Kolodzinsky), and Filonovych, First Lieutenants Parchaniy, Hulianych, Lieutenants Babilia, Chorny, and Second Lieutenants Vaida, Shchuka, and Roman.
The fiercest fighting took place on March 15 in Krasne Pole, a valley on Tisza’s right bank outside Khust. Here the Hungarian aggressors met resistance from nearly 2,000 Sich national fighters and as many Czech soldiers. Among the defenders were many gymnasium students brought there by the teacher Holota. The Hungarians had an advantage over the Ukrainians as they attacked from the mountains and were better armed and trained. The Sich fighters were no match for them in strength and weapons, but put up a defense on level ground. Fierce fighting lasted throughout the day. The Ukrainians put up a desperate defense to win time for the parliament to meet in session.
The enemy suffered casualties of 160 dead and 400 wounded. But the forces were uneven. Some 230 defenders were killed, 450 captured, many more wounded, among them severely wounded Commander Kolodzinsky (Huzar) and his deputy Kosak. Both had been captured by the fascists and executed days later outside Solotvyno. The savages killed most captives on the spot, among them many gymnasium and seminary students.
Armed clashes in the streets of Khust continued through the night. Bloody battles took place on March 16-18 in the vicinity of Vyshneve, Bushtyna, Solotvyno, Sevliush, Bilky, Dovhe, Verkhni Veretski, Chynadiyeve, and Svaliava.
On the night of March 18 the aggressors occupied all of Zakarpattia and reached the Polish border, where they were warmly received by the Polish forces ready to assist the occupants if necessary. With Hitler’s blessing the Silver Land had been trampled by the bloody boot of Horthy’s regime backed by Poland and Romania. The latter handed Sich detained on its border over to the Hungarians, who immediately executed them and dumped their bodies into the Tisza. The Polish border guard also met with gunfire the Sich which attempted to cross the border into Halychyna. Only a few managed to escape to Slovakia.
During the March 1939 battles in Zakarpattia, over 5,000 Ukrainians were killed defending their homeland. The ultimate sacrifice by the Ukrainians of Zakarpattia is a heroic page in our history. Here Ukrainians clashed in a mortal combat with the fascist warmongers of the World War II, oppressors of our homeland. These days we celebrate the sixtieth anniversary of its liberation from the German, Hungarian, and Romanian occupiers.
